The Church And Gay Marriage (academic version)

This is the academically rooted version of the speech I gave for Minnesotans United For All Families, rooted in scholarship.  Enjoy!  Church And Gay Marriage

An excerpt:

 

Although I cannot speak for anyone but myself, I do not believe that I chose to be gay.  My assertion in this way of thinking is affirmed by the American Psychologial Association, who notes that the current psychological understanding of sexual orientation and homosexuality is that while there is no concrete scientific or genetic evidence for sexual orientation as an innate biological difference, people experience no sense of choice about their sexuality (Sexual Orientation and Homosexuality).
The last time I checked, there wasn’t biological or genetic evidence for experiencing a call to faith, either, and yet for many of us around the world it exists.
I’ve recently been reading Karen Armstrong’s The Battle for God, which is a study of the origin of fundamentalism in the three main monotheistic faiths.  She centers her discussion around the Greek concepts of mythos, which provides people with a “context that makes sense of their day-to-day lives [and directs] their attention to the eternal and universal,” and logos, the rational thought that propels life and society forward.
But logos can only answer the question of how life works; it does nothing to quiet the existential qualms of the meaning of life, nor does it have any emotional component to it, which necessitates the existence of mythos in our lives.  Logos cannot govern the functions of a religious community or belief system, for there is truly nothing rational about faith.
I don’t believe, and neither does Armstrong, that these two concepts are polar opposites.  Mythos is not a regression from the forward-pushing logos.  But where we often get into trouble as a human race is when we attempt to govern societal progress from a mythos-centered position.  Armstrong uses the example of the Crusades as a time when things got a little messy.  When those wars started, it was actually a grab for more land and power.  When this was the central goal behind the Crusades, they were deemed successful from a European point of view.  However, during those times when it shifted to a mythos centered goal, the spread of Christianity, there were more losses than gains.
It’s great that we’ve learned from the Crusades and no one has tried to govern from a religious standpoint since then.

Minnesotans United for All Families Fundraiser Speech

I performed a slightly different version of this at a house party fundraiser about a week ago.  Those familiar with my work will see echoes of previous works in here.

 

Although I firmly believe that my sexuality was determined at birth, my faith wasn’t.  I was raised Baptist but realized that it wasn’t working out for me so well.  I started my first year of college at a very Lutheran school, where I realized that I was gay, and then at age 20 while living in Dublin, Ireland I embraced both smoking and Catholicism.  The Catholic faith held for me so many things that was missing from my evangelical upbringing: ritual, structure, and most of all, a history–as imperfect as it might be, it was still a long history–and I wanted to write myself into that story.
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The Infection of Rick Santorum

My father and I sat in his hospital room yesterday discussing politics.  We both classify our politics as “Independent”, swimming between the sides of the political pool instead of clinging to one wall or the other.  We recognize that American politics are an important and yet futile game; it is mired in the rhetoric of base pandering more so than original thoughts and ideas to affect lasting change.  As George Pompidou once said, “A statesman is a politician who places himself at the service of the nation.  A politician is a statesman who places the nation at his service.”

We are, undoubtedly, living in a time of politicians.

The conversation eventually turned to the state of the Republican primary race: who is the more attractive candidate–Mitt Romney or Rick Santorum?

I laid out my argument for Mitt Romney.  Although it is hard to cut through the soundbites and quips to surmise an accurate picture of his stances on issues, he works better for me as a candidate because of his moderate stance on social policy, linking back to the passage of universal health care and gay marriage under his governance in Massachusetts.

My father, on the other hand, surprised me in his support of Rick Santorum.  “I don’t agree with everything he says,” he said between the beeps of the monitor, his IV laden arms resting comfortably behind his head, “but at least you know where he stands.”

I was a little shocked at his words.  There are many like my father who have thrown support behind Santorum, possibly because although they may not agree with him, a known quantity is more attractive than an unknown.

To me, Santorum is not unlike the staff infection that landed my father in this hospital bed in the first place: at first a few simple red bumps on the skin, nearly unnoticed, which then quickly spread into the body, the infection planting and festering, causing pain and threatening to shut down the entire system.

The rise of Rick Santorum has come as a shock to many political analysts precisely because of his uncompromising stance on many social issues, including gay rights and women’s reproductive rights.  He makes his position clear best in an interview he gave in October of 2011 regarding the “dangers” of contraception, when he stated “I’m not running for preacher, I’m not running for pastor, but these are important public policy issues.  They have a profound impact on the health of our society.”

But what exactly is this health he is speaking of?  Americans are well aware of both his pro-life and abstinence only sex education stances, and these, in conjunction with his anti-contraceptive stance, could be seen as a detriment to the economic and social welfare health of our country.  In understanding Santorum fully, however, we must also take into account his view that contraception is “a license to do things…in the sexual realm that is counter to…how things are supposed to be.”

These words make it clear that Santorm’s public policy stances are dictated by his own moral and religious beliefs.  In turn, through his politics he attempts to force his moral views upon a general public.  Santorum is, as Randolph Bourne would say, an American Puritan.

In Bourne’s April 1917 article in The Seven Arts, he outlines the persona of the puritan, noting that “it is only the puritan’s prestige that has attached moral value to self-sacrifice, for there is nothing intrinsic in it that makes it any more praiseworthy than lust” (634).  Would Santorum’s adherence to his perceived Christian morals be worth noting if he did it in the privacy of his own home?

Hardly–there are many who do so.  Instead, his aim is to legislate what happens in the privacy of other homes in order to assume power and prestige.  Bourne addresses this in the same article, noting that the “puritan must become an evangelist.  It is not enough to renounce the stimulus to satisfaction which is technically known as ‘temptation.’ The renouncing must be made into an ideal, the ideal must be codified, promulgated, and, in the last analysis, enforced” (636).

Santorum’s platform of emphasizing social conservatism while downplaying his fiscal policy views has led to a rabid base of supporters. It plays upon the morality of human beings, pointing out their own flaws and shortcomings in adherence to a shared mythos, in this case the Christian faith, which provides many Americans with meaning for their lives.

So Santorum, like my father’s infection, has worked his way effectively into the psyche of American politics.  But while my father’s body has antibiotics, a saline drip, and a hospital staff keeping the infection from growing, Americans must on their own realize the dangers of a man spouting puritan values as a basis for public social policy, quiet the impulses of long held mores, and turn instead towards a candidate that will ensure the economic well-being and progress of American society–in my mind, someone who will swim in the waters of independent thought, and refuses to cling to either side of the pool.

What We Remember

This essay has already been picked up and published by MPR, so you can read it here.

The Empty Space

I just got back from a weekend in New York.  Between a self-guided tour of Manhattan pubs, a Broadway show, and long walks in Brooklyn and Manhattan, I came upon Zucotti Park, sandwiched between Broadway, Trinity Place, Liberty Street, and Cedar Streets in lower Manhattan.  Up until just a couple weeks ago, this was the home of the Occupy Wall Street.  The nexus for a movement which has spread all across the world, claiming to be the voice of “the 99%”, who are slowly becoming disenfranchised as a result of the close ties between big business and American politics, the interests of the lower economic classes being overlooked in favor of corporate greed.

I knew the place had been raided. But even though camping was no longer allowed, I had heard the movement was still alive, and protestors were still occupying the space during the day.

When we came across the the park, I did not recognize it.  Instead of throngs of people, human mic-checking and heralding the park as their own, what I found was a thoroughly cold and empty space–a concrete plaza with inlaid skinny rectangles of light built into the ground every few feet, some marble tables prime for chess or checkers on one side, cold marble benches in diagonal angles filling the space.  There were a few signs of life, however.  A Christmas tree.  A few other random trees through the plaza.

Six protestors, stationing themselves on the Trinity Place side, placards reading not of protest against the government or Wall Street, but panhandlers, a paper cup attached to the bottoms of their cardboard shields, asking for a few coins.  Lining the park were metal removable fences, and enough NYPD and private security guards to outnumber the protestors at least four to one.

I did not expect this.  This was the home of a movement that was not even three months old, that has proliferated the political conversation and inspired action in cities all across the country.

I know that it was not the idea of the occupiers to leave.  They had been steadfast in their tweeted messages: they would be there indefinitely, showing by physical presence that the political dynasty formed by corporations would be met with enduring resistance.

It looked to me that their message has dissolved when their physical shelter was gone.

We spoke with one of the cops for awhile.  I asked him what he was guarding.

“Well, the park.  But they’re not coming back.  No way for them to get free soup here any more.  There’s supposed to be a rally next weekend for the three-month anniversary, but it’s time for them to face reality.  They’re done.”

He spoke with pride in a job well done.

But was this really ever their home?  A private property, owned by the very same people they wished to rally against?  A plaza with a Brooks Brothers store and the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation framing it?

How easily their domicile had been stripped away.

How quickly the images of revolution had been negated.

Their home has moved, into office buildings.  They are not occupiers; instead, many are tenants as groups in Las Vegas, Denver, Wilmington, and others have registered for 501(c)3 status, in hopes of receiving more funding and donations for the movement.

Which can be tax write offs for donators.

And also for the new non-profits themselves.

If the idea is that corporations and the “1%” are lacking in their duties to the United States by failing to pay their fair share of taxes, what does this new 501(c)3 status now mean for the OWS movement?

We asked the cop if we could go into the park.

“Yes, it’s public space.  Enjoy yourself!  Just don’t fall asleep.”

I bought a hot dog, sat on the bench, and looked around at the home that once was.

Sources

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/11/18/occupy-wilmington-files-f_n_1097351.html

Foreclosure

I received a foreclosure letter in the middle of November.  Believe me when I tell you, it was unwarranted and there had been no notices sent.  My monthly payments were made in full, as they have been since beginning them in January of 2011.  All of the equity I had been building appeared that it would be wiped away from me, through no fault of my own.

But I did not buy a house.

My home which is being repossessed is the Master’s in Liberal Studies degree at Hamline University.  The letter in question was an email from David Sterns, Vice President for Academic and Student Affairs.  According to his initial email, he outlined that all of Hamline’s programs had undergone an academic program review, and that twelve programs had been pushed to the “phase II” status, which necessitated a long process of committee work to make an in-depth study and recommendations to the administrative staff as to whether any programs should be cut.

In an email to MALS students on November 8th, Stern wrote that “based on all of the information gathered from the program itself, from the offices of enrollment and marketing and finance, and the committee’s findings and recommendations, I have concluded that we should close the MALS program in its current form.”

He conveniently left out the part that the committee’s findings was overwhelming support for the program, and recommendations including approaching new marketing strategy to entice more students in to the program to combat declining enrollment.

I tend to be quite conservative.  I am able to look at numbers and detach myself from them to the point where decisions not influenced by emotions can be made without much of a second thought.
But this is exactly why I don’t work in academic administration, because what might look to me on paper as a poor financial decision is taking away an enriching community of learning, mentoring, and academic maturation–a home, in other words.

We current MALS students have not been rendered academically homeless quite yet.  They will be allowing all of us to finish out our program.

But will we be, from here on out, merely investing in a money pit?  The decision to invest in my future through this institution was not made lightly.  I researched my options, thought about what features I was looking for in an advanced degree.  My decision was ultimately based upon the outstanding reputation of Hamline in the Liberal Studies’ community.  Hamline students are published regularly in national journals.  It is enriched by the presence of its close ties to the MFA program, just as the MFA is enriched by the interdisciplinary approach of the MALS classes that they can take as electives throughout their own course of study.

But how long will that reputation hold once the numbers dwindle, year after year, until the program no longer exists?

Mr Stern, I have some numbers for you.

25: the number of MALS students enrolled in courses this semester.

10: the number of students in the MALS core class this semester, traditionally the first course taken in the program.  Which means that nearly half of the current students entered the program during the period of time where no active marketing was being done because the future of the program was in flux (although we were not informed of this when we applied and enrolled, which makes me believe that Hamline was more than happy to take my money without the promise of a fruitful return on investment).

22,585: The number of lawyers in the state of Minnesota in 2010, according to the American Bar Association.

42.69: The number of Minnesotans for every lawyer.

210: Roughly the number of law graduates from Hamline each year, into an already saturated market.

20,000: The number of unemployed lawyers in the United States in 2009, according to the Labor Department.

So, Mr. Stern, where is your priority?  Is it “to create a diverse and collaborative community of learners dedicated to the development of students’ knowledge, values and skills for successful lives of leadership, scholarship, and service” as is spelled out by the Hamline mission statement?  Or is it to continue to pour resources into a bloated intellectual trade with middling chances of successful employment on the other end?

I think I’ll be selling soon and cutting my losses.  I don’t want to.  But the home I thought I had will soon cease to exist.  I do not wish to mortgage my future any more with the Hamline bankers.

Sources

http://www.hamline.edu/about/mission.html

http://lawschooltuitionbubble.wordpress.com/2010/09/08/numbers-crunched-the-aba%E2%80%99s-number-of-attorneys-per-state-and-per-gross-state-product/

http://law.hamline.edu/JD/

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30196250/ns/business-us_business/t/now-even-lawyers-are-getting-axed/

Surpassing the Kardashians

I was married this summer on July 16th in a small backyard ceremony officiated by a friend of ours, followed by a large reception on a paddleboat on the Mississippi on the hottest weekend of the year.  If a unit of time is the length of Kris Humphries’ and Kim Kardashian’s marriage, I’ve been married 1.99 Kardashians.  We are still in the giddiness stage of newly wedded life, and it makes me proud to be called a wife.  Our thank you notes haven’t been written yet, but etiquette guides tell us we’ve got a year.  All of the Fiestaware, a full 12-place setting plus a plethora of serving dishes, has been open and are on display on an IKEA Expedit we had to get specifically for that purpose, but there are still many gifts we have yet to open and use, gift receipts still taped to the tops of the boxes.  This is not because we intend to take them back, but because my wife or I haven’t had occasion to use them quite yet.

That was not a typo.  I stood in front of our friends and family and placed a titanium band with a small sapphire on her finger, a symbol of my promise to be a friend and partner in life and love, and she did the same.  When Minnesotans go to the poll on November 6th, 2012, to vote on the Marriage Amendment, we will have been married for 6.67 Kardashians, at least in our minds.

Although Minnesota already has legislation on the books that outlaws same-sex marriage, the state Congress found it necessary to push through a constitutional amendment that will define marriage between one man and one woman, setting my state back even further from the hopeful day that my relationship will be able to be legal in the eyes of government.

If a home is a place that is a source of comfort, security, and, in the words of Robert Frost, “the place where, when you have to go there, they have to take you in,” if the amendment passes I do not know if I will be able to call Minnesota my home any longer.  Yes, will be just a line on the books.  But if passed, it will be voted upon and agreed with by a majority of voters, the people who belong to my same geographical community, even if I do not know them personally.

I dread the next year as political rhetoric heats up.  I do not know if I’ll be able to stomach the arguments made by amendment supporters and not take them personally.  Already, Minnesota for Marriage is offering the chance to win a $100 Visa gift card for anyone who signs their online petition in support of the amendment.  Michelle Bachmann recently stated that of course gays can get married, as long as a man marries a woman or a woman marries a man, that there’s nothing barring them from participating in marriage.  But if marriage is a sanctified relationship based on love, isn’t that disingenuous? If it is not based on love, then where does the argument stand barring two adults from entering into nothing more than a legal contract?

I do not have all the answers.  Instead I will continue to watch Kim Kardashian and legions of other starlets make a mockery of this sacred institution while we continue to unpack our gifts, set aside time to write thank you cards, and hold on to the hope that my fellow Minnesotans will not metaphorically make me unwelcome in my own home.

 

Sources

http://www.towleroad.com/2011/11/nom-awarding-100-visa-gift-cards-to-folks-who-oppose-same-sex-marriage-in-minnesota.html

http://bryanforbes.github.com/kardashian-calc/

http://www.startribune.com/opinion/otherviews/135036948.html

Nativity

In the autumn of 1944, a non-commissioned German officer named Edward Kaib was being held as a prisoner of war in a POW internment camp.  He was exempt from working in the camp due to both his status as an officer and his ill health, so instead he spent his time creating a nativity scene out of dirt and mud, hoping to bring some semblance of a German Christmas tradition to his fellow prisoners in the camp.

After that first Christmas, members of the United States military stationed at the camp asked if he could make another nativity set, only bigger.  Kaib and six other men worked on the project for nearly a year, ultimately creating 60 half-scale figures of the nativity.

I like to think that there was some solace found in Kaib’s creation of the nativity. A reminder that, as the story goes, Jesus was born in a manger after his parents had been turned away from the inn, the promise of man’s salvation in its very humble beginnings in the temporary shelter of the barn.  I like to think that the German prisoners found remembrances of home as they were imprisoned in Algona, Iowa.

Yes, that is correct.  Iowa.

Amongst the dust bunnies of history that are swept under the rug of our collective conscience is the fact that during World War Two, roughly 400,000 German, Japanese, and Italian prisoners of war were not held in either the European or Pacific theaters, but rather here on American soil in some 500 camps.  The Algona base camp and its 34 satellite camps were home to roughly 10,000 German prisoners, primarily in Iowa and Minnesota as well as along the eastern borders of both North and South Dakota. The camps were established at the request of the United Kingdom who felt overwhelmed with the amount of prisoners they were housing on their own soil.

Unlike the stories of waterboarding and prisoner mistreatment that have reached the American public since the beginning of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, by all reports POWs kept on American soil during World War Two were treated with respect and decorum.  Prisoners at Algona received a wage of 10 cents per hour of work, paid in coupons that could be used to purchase tobacco, beer, and other luxury items.  There was a movie theater.  Many spoke well of the families whose fields and dairies they worked in.  Quite a few emigrated back to the United States after the war was over.

Where did this American attitude of generous benevolence come from?  While part of it, as has been noted, was to impart a favorable impression of the United States to members of Axis forces as a way of changing the mindset of the opposition, I cannot help but wonder if housing them on our soil, in our homeland, was part of the reason.  We were not, as we see in modern warfare, occupying nations and keeping our enemies captive on their own territory which we had taken by force.  They were here, our captive guests, and honor was such that there was no wish to treat any human inhumanely.

In turn, those prisoners, ripped from their homes first by war, then under enemy control, were allowed the dignity to create their temporary home anew, building bonds with community and, as Kaib and his compatriots found, a shared Christmas tradition that could cross the boundaries of language, politics, and power into a celebration of symbolism of travelers on a star-filled evening, not unlike the Iowa sky, who once found themselves at the mercy of others, seeking shelter, hoping that things would turn out okay in the end.

 

Sources:

http://www.traces.org/germanpows.html

http://encyclopediaofarkansas.net/encyclopedia/entry-detail.aspx?entryID=2398

http://fairmontsentinel.com/page/content.detail/id/519612/Algona-saves-Nativity-scene.html

http://www.pwcamp.algona.org/index.html

Vincent In Stitches

The nocturnal is a theme that has been explored multiple times throughout all forms of art.  It’s a theme I return to often in my own writing, be it the time “when the monsters come out to play: black jabberwockies, composed of the thoughts and fear that linger in the back of the brain take hold of the unsuspecting mind, wrecking havoc with everything” or “the line between something and nothing, the point at which the cloak of the blue sky is thrown off, erasing the protective layer between our own small lives and the promise of eternity.”  I’ve often wondered why so many artists are drawn to the night time, but in a way it makes sense.  Any artistic endeavor begins with a void, be it a canvas, a baking sheet, paper, or a silence.  In turn the artistic product serves to fill that void with imagery, cakes, words, or music.  As an artist, I believe that we are drawn to the night as a means to define our place in this void and fight against the endlessness.

Although there are a myriad of works that I could single out as expertly exploring this struggle, to me no work does this as expertly as Vincent Van Gogh’s The Starry Night.  I first encountered the painting when I was a small child when leafing through a coffee table book that held permanent residence on our living room table.  I was entranced by the colors, the patterns in the sky, and it was my first understanding that, as Van Gogh wrote in a letter to his brother, Theo, that “the night is more alive and richly colored than the day.”  I’m fairly certain that at some point I made my mother buy me a pair of socks in the design of this painting, although my memory could be hazy.

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I Am The 99%

This was the final paper for The Essay class, written December 2011.

I was encouraged to write something for this class that may (with further work and editing) serve as a chapter for my thesis, which I’m planning on writing on how narcissism is affecting our modern political and religious discourse.  This chapter is on the collective narcissism at play in the Occupy Wall Street movement.

Read the entire paper (.pdf file)

Read an excerpt…

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